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REPORT 



COMMITTEE 



WALTHAM UNION LEAGUE, 



ORGANIZED IN 



1863. 



BOSTON: 

PKINTED BY JOHN WILSON AND SON, 

5, Water Steeet. 

1863. 






S1S03 



'.■».^. 



R E P O E T. 



The Committee chosen to organize a Union League in Wal- 
tham, having completed the task assigned them, submit the 
result of their labors, with an account of the origin and pro- 
gress of the Association. 

The propriety of some organization of a character which 
would afford every man an opportunity of placing on record 
evidence of his attachment to the Union, and of his readiness 
to uphold the Government in enforcing the laws, suggested 
itself to many of our citizens who desired to express their 
unconditional loyalty. They thought that a public declara- 
tion was called for, of their intention to give our legally 
chosen rulers a generous and unwavering support in all lawful 
measures to maintain our free institutions unimpaired. 

Associations had already, in other States, been formed, 
giving assurance of fidelity to the Constitution and laws, and 
lending a moral support to the public authorities in their 
efforts to suppress the Rebellion. The discussion of these 
movements, bv our citizens desirous of unitinsr in a similar 
manifestation of the loyal sentiment of this community, led 
to an informal meeting of some of our townsmen, who ap- 
pointed the undersigned a Committee to consider the subject 
of establishing a Union League in Waltham, in order to give 
expression to their views of the duty which they owed to the 
country in this crisis of its history. 

The Committee, and those from whom they derived their 
authority, were one in opinion as to the spirit and object of 
the proposed association, — that, carefully ignoring all party 



issues, it should stand on a broad and patriotic platform of 
loyalty to the Union, the Constitution, and the laws, in 
which every true American might unite to give unequivocal 
expression of attachment to free institutions, and to the prin- 
ciples on which rest the foundations of our Government, 

The terms of the Union League, recently formed in the 
city of New York, and generally approved at the meeting 
here, were recommended by many as adapted to our purpose. 
The Committee, however, deemed it proper to offer another 
form, embodying the spirit of that association, and embracing 
a fuller expression of the feeling of our citizens. 

Some delay occurred, under an impression that a general 
association of the friends of the Union throughout the State 
was in contemplation, which might supersede the necessity of 
any separate town-organization ; but not finding one estab- 
lished to meet, in all respects, the views of our people gene- 
rally, an address to the citizens of the town, and the form of 
a League, were prepared, which they submitted to a subse- 
quent meeting. These were unanimously adopted, and the 
Committee were instructed to carry into effect the wishes of 
the meeting by proceeding with the organization of the Asso- 
ciation. 

In accordance with their instructions, the Committee pub- 
lished the " Address to the Citizens of Waltham," and the 
" Union League," and had five hundred copies of these docu- 
ments printed for distribution, that absent citizens, and every 
man from Waltham serving in the army and navy, whose 
address could be ascertained, should be supplied, as well as a 
portion of the press in different parts of Massachusetts. 

The aim of this Association, as may be inferred from the 
language of the League, is, not to form a club or society, with 
all the machinery of officers and offices usually appertaining 
to such bodies, in order to perform some specific work ; but is 
simply intended as an avowal of its members of their attach- 
ment to our institutions, Avhich they will sustain when in 



jeopardy, whoever administers the Government. It was felt, 
that the expression of this sentiment of our people was every- 
where needed, when enemies of the Union, encouraged by 
the sympathy and indirect aid of European powers unfriendly 
to a Government recognizing the rights of the people, were 
desperately bent upon its overthrow. This Association, there- 
fore, is not intended to uphold any particvdar political parties 
heretofore existing, but to pledge its support to the Govern- 
ment of our choice. There may be instances, though they 
are rare among us, of persons having neither faith in free 
institutions, nor love of our form of government, who are not 
with us ; but if all others, who are eligible, have not joined 
the League, it is due, we trust, to a misunderstanding of the 
purposes of the movement. This frank statement of its in- 
tention, it is hoped, will swell our ranks, and add largely to the 
numbers of the Association. The list attached is not com- 
plete, as copies of the League are in circulation with the 
signatures of new members, of which returns have not yet 
been made ; but your Committee decided to delay no longer 
the report of their labors. 

The address of the Committee to the citizens of the town, 
and the Union League, are here presented : — 

To the Citizens of Waltham. 

The nation is engaged in a severe struggle with treason, which, 
unchecked at the commencement, assumed such formidable propoi'- 
tions as to endanger the existence of our free institutions. 

Upon the success of the Government in subduing this RehelHon 
depends the fate of the Republic. Out of this contest are the 
issues of our national life, wliether we continue, under one flag 
and Union, a great and groAving power, the hope of humanity, or, 
broken into weak and warring fragments, we become the prey of 
more powerful nations opposed to republican principles. 

In civil war, the public authorities are encouraged and strength- 
ened in the discharge of their arduous duties by every assurance of 



sympathy which they receive from the people. With this view, 
many of our townsmen suggested the formation of a Union League 
of the citizens of Waltham, Avithout reference to party, for the 
purpose of expressing, in a public pledge over their signatures, 
their devotion to the principles of our Government, and their 
readiness to aid those legally chosen to administer it, in the w^ork 
of compelling obedience to its authority. 

At a meeting of a number of our citizens, the undersigned were 
appointed a Committee to take the subject into consideration, and 
report. The Committee, having submitted the following form of a 
Union League, which was approved and adopted, now present it to 
their townsmen, in the hope that every citizen will sign it, and thus 
transmit to his children and his children's children an evidence of 
his loyalty to his country in the day of her greatest peril. 

J. B. Bright. 
I. R. Scott. 

Waltham, April 25, 1863. F. M. StONE. 

Union League. 

The undersigned, being citizens of the Town of Waltham, in 
the County of Middlesex and State of Massachusetts, recognize, 
without distinction of party, the paramount duty that they at all 
times owe to the Government of aiding it to preserve the Union, 
enforce the laws, and maintain the integrity of the national ter- 
ritory. 

As citizens of this great Republic, the asylum of the oppressed 
of all nations, founded by wise and good men, who bequeathed a 
Constitution under which we have enjoyed unparalleled freedom 
and prosperity, we have a deep conviction of the solemn obligation 
which rests upon us to uphold our free institutions against all 
enemies at home or abroad. 

We are proud to avow our love for, and our devotion to, the 
Union, and our readiness to make any sacrifice to sustain and per 
petuate the Constitution as it was understood by the Fathers. 

Our reverence for the principles and memory of Washington 
demands an earnest expi-ession of steadfast adherence to the fare- 
well advice of the " Father of his Country." Especially are we 
called upon to send words of good cheer and encouragement to the 



hundreds of our patriotic young men who have gone forth from 
our town to battle on land or sea for these principles, under the 
starry folds of the glorious banner we have ever been taught to 
honor and defend. 

A civil war, which threatens our national existence, has been 
forced upon our people. In such contests, neutrality is allied to 
treason ; indifference becomes a crime ; and whoever is not with us 
is against us, and must be considered an enemy of the Constitution 
to which Ave owe allegiance. 

Assuredly, then, duty requires all true friends of law and order 
to manifest openly and imequivocally their fealty to that common 
bond which made us so long a highly favored and prosperous 
nation. 

To this end, we propose to associate and form a Union League 
of faithful Americans, ranging ourselves on the side of loyalty, to 
strengthen the hands of our rulers in their efforts to maintain the 
supremacy of law, restrain the ignorant and misguided offender, 
and punish the open traitor. 

In this dark hour of our history, when evil-minded and erring 
persons are in armed rebellion against the lawful aiithorities, with 
the avowed purpose to destroy this fair fabric established through 
suffering and sacrifice, we deem it iit and proper to renew our vows 
of fidelity, and pledge a generous support ; and, by this act, we 
desire to record our unconditional loyalty to our Country, its Con- 
stitution, and Government.* 

The Committee transmitted, as directed, copies of their 
Address and the Union League to the President of the 
United States, with the following letter, which was duly 
acknowledged : — 

His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. 

Sir, — The undersigned, a Committee appointed at a meeting 
of loyal citizens in Waltham, Mass., were instructed to forward to 
your Excellency the accompanying documents relating to a Union 
League which is being successfully organized in this town. 

• For list of names of member?, see p. 23. 



8 



It is an agreeable duty which devolves upon the Committee, that 
of transmitting to the head of the nation this expression, by their 
townsmen, of loyalty to the Union, and sympathy with the Govern- 
ment in its efforts to enforce the laws. 

The Committee use the occasion to convey their high sense of 
the faithful manner in which your Excellency has endeavored to 
discharge the difficult duties of your responsible position, and their 
unwavering faith that our institutions are destined to survive every 
assault, whether from traitors within or enemies without. 

We remain, with great respect, your obedient servants, 

J. B. Bright. 
I. R. Scott. 
Waltham, Mass., May 20, 1863. F. M. Stone. 

A letter was addressed by the Committee to John A. 
Andrew, Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
with copies of these documents. 

His Excellency John A. Andrew, 

Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

Sir, — Many respectable citizens of this town, desirous of giving 
a public and earnest assurance of their loyalty to our country and 
its institutions, and their sympathy with the Government in its 
efforts to suppress rebellion, appointed the undersigned a Commit- 
tee to organize a Union League in Waltham, which meets with 
general favor. 

The accompanying documents, explaining the object and spirit 
of the movement, are transmitted to your Excellency in accordance 
with our instructions. 

In executing this part of their trust, the Committee embrace the 
opportunity to express their high appreciation of your patriotic and 
arduous services in the cause of Freedom and the Union, and their 
confidence in the certain triumph of our country over every attempt 
to divide us as a people. 

With great respect, we remain your obedient servants. 

Waltham, May 20, 1863. 



9 



The reply to the communication here presented breathes a 
spu-it which will find a response in the heart of every loyal 
American : — 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
Executive Department, Boston, June 4, 1863. 

Messrs. J. B. Bright, I. R. Scott, F. M. Stone, &c., Waltham, Mass. 

Gentlemen, — I trust you will appreciate and excuse my omis- 
sion to answer your note of the 20th ult. during the intervening 
days, while other cares precluded any attention to my private cor- 
respondence. And now I beg leave in one word to say, that the 
purposes and the methods declared and proposed in your letter, and 
in the printed papers which attended it, receive my cordial appro- 
val. Your desire to afford to all your loyal townsmen and neigh- 
bors an opportunity of uniting and concentrating their influence 
into one common and poAverful activity, unmistakably and persist- 
ently exerted with the energy, zeal, and fearlessness of good citi- 
zens and good men, determined to stand or fall together with the 
fortunes and fate of their country and her cause, is a desire which 
I should be glad to see i-ealized by a response so universal as to 
enroll in your League every citizen of your patriotic town. 

The great public and social duty of this generation is to suppress 
the Rebellion. "When that is done, the Union is safe, the Constitu- 
tion is defended, the just rights of all are made secure. Until 
that is done, all are imperilled, and remain dependent on the con- 
tingencies of a struggle as tremendous in its proportions as it is 
grand and awful in the issues it involves. Therefore do I 
repeat, that our duty is, and all our duties are, — for all are con- 
tained in that one duty, — to suppress the Rehellion. We cannot 
dally with it nor Avitli any of its adlierents. We must, if need be, 
suppress them likewise. We cannot deal with traitors ; Ave cannot 
make traffic of the blood of our brothers crying noAv to heaven 
from the ensanguined fields of two years of war waged by a nest 
of relentless conspirators against their country and against our 
common humanity. We cannot compromise Avith a crime so vast, 
that it defies comparison Avith any of the civil crimes of human 
history. We cannot yield an inch, while life and manhood remain, 
for the vindication of right and the punishment of Avrong. We 

2 



10 



cannot recede, we cannot hesitate, we cannot calculate chances in 
any political lottery for the future. We must die, die utterly, die 
like Thebes or Troy or Carthage, or we must conquer, with the 
help of Heaven, conquer the Rebellion. In that faith, I am always 
hopefully and sincerely your friend and servant, 

John A. Andrew. 

The Committee also forwarded to Major-Gen. Banks, of 
tlie United-States Army at New Orleans, copies of the docu- 
ments, accompanied by the following note : — 

Major-Gen. N. P. Banks, United-States Army, New Orleans. 

Sir, — The Committee appointed at a recent meeting to organize 
a Union League in Waltham have the pleasure of transmitting to 
their distinguished fellow-citizen the enclosed documents, expressing 
the loyal sentiment of his native town. This bond of union they 
are to place in the hands of every patriotic soldier who has gone 
forth from us to vindicate the flag, that he may not be deprived of 
the privilege of enrolling his name. 

The performance of the duty assigned the Committee atfords an 
opportunity to manifest their high appreciation of your services to 
the country, and to express the interest felt by your townsmen in 
your welfare and success. 

With great respect, we remain your obedient servants. 

Waltham, May 20, 1863. 

The preceding documents were forwarded by mail ; but, as 
no acknowledgment has been received by the Committee, 
they may have failed to reach their destination, Major-Gen. 
Banks being actively engaged in the field. 

A box will be deposited with the Massachusetts Historical 
Society in Boston, containing all the important documents 
relating to the League : namely, the League, with the auto- 
graph-signatures of every member ; the Address of the Union 
Committee to the Citizens of Waltham ; the original letters of 
Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and of John 



11 



A. Andrew, Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachu- 
setts ; and this Report ; also the list of voters of the town of 
Waltham for the year 1862, — the last published previous 
to the organization of this League : to which are added the 
names of all that could be ascertained entitled to the jjrivilege 
of becoming members, not embraced in the printed list. This 
list, Avith its explanations, a general canvass of the town, is a 
document for future reference, of some interest as an index to 
the sentiment of the citizens of Waltham. 

It must be a subject of regret to every member of the Asso- 
ciation, that as our rulers, exponents of the popular will and 
amenable to the people, are guided by manifestations of public 
opinion, this assurance of our loyalty, peculiarly appropriate 
at this time, has not met with a universal response. 

If any persons, well disposed towards the Government, have 
not added their names in testimony of their fidelity to the 
Union, none will regret it more, perhaps, than themselves 
and their children, when, at some future day, the roll of the 
humblest Union League will be held in higher estimation 
than the famous Roll of Battel Abbey by the descendants of 
the old Normans who followed William the Conqueror to 
England. 

To the town of Waltham belongs the credit of being one 
of the fii'st in Massachusetts to establish a Union League : 
that in a neighboring town was publicly announced somewhat 
sooner ; but it is probable that the earliest movement origi- 
nated here, though the delay of the action of the Committee 
referred to may deprive us of the honor of being the " ban- 
ner-town." 

It was originally proposed to limit membership to legal 
voters ; but this was modified to embrace all from Waltham in 
the army and navy, or of an age liable to military service. 
The Committee were authorized, if they deemed it necessary 
or advisable, to call a public meeting, in order to bring the 
subject more directly before the people of the town ; but this 



12 



mode of attracting attention and influencing the action of the 
citizens was dispensed with, in the behef that it was not 
required. Had extraordinary means of creating an interest 
in the Association been resorted to, possibly more enthusiasm 
might have been awakened ; but the Committee thought best 
to make no special effort to produce an excitement and in- 
crease its numbers : they preferred simply to place the matter 
before the people, trusting that it would commend itself to 
the calm judgment of every good citizen. 

There being no local press in sympathy with the objects of 
the League, its members were deprived of the ordinary means 
of presenting, through the appropriate channel, its claims in 
the manner they desired. The principles of the League 
required no defence ; but it was desirable to correct persistent 
misrepresentations of its purposes and the motives of its 
originators. 

Some citizens may have failed, through indolence or negli- 
gence, to answer the call ; and others have declined to sign 
under various pretexts, such as objections to this or that 
clause, though professing to approve its general principles, 
and claiming to be loyal. Such loyalty is by no means uncon- 
ditional. 

It is due to some of the originators of the Union League to 
state, that they were opposed to the election of the present 
Administration ; but they willingly cast aside all party ties that 
they might uphold lawful authority. They were content to 
leave in abeyance old political questions on which they dif- 
fered, with the understanding, that this connection, formed 
with a temporary association, did not commit them to any 
party save that of the Union and the Constitution. They 
could not remain coldly indifferent when the nation was in 
danger, because they had not aided to elect those who admin- 
ister the Government. When armed traitors were at the 
throat of the nation, they felt there Avas but one honorable 
course left for true men. Still less could they affect a neu- 



13 



trality which no sane friends of their country ever feel, 
though it may be assumed by timid men to avoid the duties 
and responsibilities of the occasion, or by the unprincipled, 
who, in the hope of gain, endeavor to serve two masters. 
Intelligent men know too well, that the demands of civil war 
are so clearly defined, that any middle course is the crowning 
evidence of weakness or duplicity, which commands less re- 
spect than the position of an open enemy. 

If the list of members of the League does not embrace 
some loyal men whose names should not be wanting, the 
cause may be found in their reliance on the certain triumph 
of the Government. They have faith in the continuance of 
security to persons and property, and confidence that our 
institutions will remain unimpaired. They therefore consider 
these demonstrations as unnecessaiy. The scene of the con- 
flict is distant, and oui' ordinary affairs are as undisturbed as 
in profound peace. The people are prosperous ; and were it 
not for the occasional appearance of a sick or maimed soldier 
in our streets, the calls for contributions, the greater demands 
of the tax-gatherer, and the increasing number of families 
whose mourning garb indicates irreparable losses, it would be 
difficult to realize that civil war exists in our country. This 
seems to be the chief reason why many are not aroused to 
the full sense of their duty, as they would be, if, through the 
apathy of a portion of our population, the contest were pro- 
longed, and the scenes of blood and horror Avhich are now 
desolating the homes of the Border States were brought 
within our own Commonwealth. All this may happen through 
a want of that bold, outspoken patriotism which strengthens 
authority, cheers the steadfast, saves the weak or wavering, 
and rebukes treason. If, as reported, there are secret ene- 
mies and associations in Free States, — " Knights of the 
Golden Circle," banded together against Government, — they 
would cower before the united voice of the friends of the 
Union. 



14 



Every one who has served in the army and navy, and is 
acquainted with the object of the League, unless he be a 
deserter or be dishonorably discharged, Avould, it is believed, 
have become a member, if the opportunity had offered. 
Though copies of the documents were addressed to all in the 
service, probably many were never received ; and the parties 
were prevented by this circumstance, or by sickness and other 
causes incident to military service, from affixing their names 
to the League. 

Before the Association was established, many had fallen in 
defence of its principles ; and if Rogers, Sherman, Howe, 
Banks, Field, Priest, Houghton, Wellington, Sanderson, Dil- 
lon, Holbrook, Fairbanks, Forsythe, and others, did not live 
to enroll their names, they had already signed and sealed 
with their blood an assurance of unconditional loyalty ; Avhile 
others, dying in the service from disease, or wounds received 
in battle, have given evidence of their devotion to the Union. 
More recently, other townsmen have perished in this war, 
including one officer, Lieut. Brown, to whom was forwarded 
a request that he might obtain signatures to the League. It 
is reported, that copies were circulated in the Sixteenth Regi- 
ment, containing more Waltham men than any other, and 
that they had been signed by numbers ; but no returns have 
been made to the Committee. Of those who have returned 
from the service, if all have not signed the League, some may 
not have had it presented to them : possibly some have been 
deterred through influences having little existence in camp, 
but which are actively employed here to keep alive a sus- 
picion, that the Association is another scheme of a political 
party fighting under false colors. It is not strange, that 
young soldiers, whose patriotism is beyond question, having 
been familiar with some instructive examples of the kind 
within a twelvemonth, should hesitate to join an Association 
which has been charged with other purposes than what its 
title imports. They are aware, that a " Peace Party " is not 



15 



necessarily that of the Prince of Peace ; nor a " People's 
Party " the juste milieu which was claimed for it, — a conser- 
vative barrier against the extremes of political fanaticism. 

Through age or physical infirmity, the signatui-es of some 
residents are wanting ; and it is due to one, at least, who has 
been an influential and honored citizen, long at the head of 
an important corporation, to state, that he was unable, though 
anxious, to add his name to the list of unconditional loyal 
men, whose sentiments, put forth in the Union League, he 
fully approved. 

Some persons professing to support the Government have 
declined to join this compact, alleging that their loyalty 
would not be increased by becoming members of any Union 
Association, If they imagine that any one is deceived by this 
excuse, they greatly underrate the common sense of the peo- 
ple. These men, so coy when patriotism calls, act differently 
whenever their hearts are strongly moved, whether by politi- 
cal or personal concerns ; and they are aware that the crisis 
demands a loud response to the roll-call of the Union. The 
signers of the " Declaration of Independence " reasoned other- 
wise than these pseudo-loyalists. John Hancock's bold, defi- 
ant signature indicates earnest resolve, — the spirit in which 
he pledged all for his country. Such men associate for every 
other conceivable object in which they are interested, either 
social, charitable, or political. In the pursuit of gain, their 
subscriptions are forthcoming to associations which promise 
profitable returns, their signatures are attached to petitions 
for whatever they desire, and their names are seldom want- 
ing whenever interest or sympathy prompts. Had our young 
men who have taken up arms exhibited the same indifi"erent 
spirit, and declined to volunteer, on the ground that fighting 
for the Union M'ould not increase their love of country, they 
could have escaped hardship and sufiering, and none would 
have shed his blood or off'ered up his life on the altar of his 
country. Deciding more patriotically, they find their reward 



16 



in the approbation of their countrymen : the dead are held in 
grateful remembrance ; the living, disciplined and tested by 
fire and suffering, have gained the reputation which attaches 
to honorable service in the field, defending the noblest form 
of government ever vouchsafed to man. 

Men true to their convictions of duty are ready to express, 
by word and deed, their sympathy with those entertaining 
similar views ; giving an earnest support to the Government 
or its enemies. A vacillating policy may be pursued by a por- 
tion of the press, — a selfish balancing of pecuniary interests 
inducing a less manly course of neutrality to secui'e patronage 
at the price of general contempt ; but, if the war continues, 
all will be forced eventually to declare whom they will serve. 
In the mean time, neutrality or lukewarmness alike aid the 
enemy. 

No truth is more self-evident, than that every man should 
be loyal, though he may not approve the principles or the 
policy of the Administration. This is a plain duty in times 
of peace, and the obligation is stronger in case of a foreign 
war ; while, in civil war, whoever hesitates or holds back 
because every ruler and every measure are not approved is 
not patriotic. The right to discuss or criticise the acts of 
rulers is not disputed ; they are legitimate subjects of com- 
ment : but there is a wide difference between honest censure, 
however severe, whether by friends or generous opponents, 
and the sweeping condemnation of those whose sympathies, 
notwithstanding their professions, are evidently not with the 
Government, — perhaps not with the cause. 

It may be said, that no one has a right to animadvert on 
the motives or actions of professed upholders of the Govern- 
ment, because they keep aloof from patriotic demonstrations 
and associations ; an argument plausible enough when the 
nation is undisturbed, but not justifiable in a crisis involving 
the lives, liberties, and property of the whole peoj)le. 

We have considered Government only as that polity or 



17 



abstract authority which all are expected to reverence : but 
partisans do not readily dissociate the idea of government 
from the individuals who compose the administration, — their 
love of it apparently fluctuating with the fortunes of party ; 
but when this is wanting, whatever may be their protestations 
of attachment, it indicates a divided affection, and that love 
which only burns brightly when government is in the hands 
of a particular party. To place party before government, is 
a heresy akin to that which caused the Rebellion. The rebels 
held, that allegiance was due only to the State ; the General 
Government being no more binding than the " Holy Alli- 
ance," from which any member could withdi'aw at pleasure. 

Our country is bleeding at every pore ; great sacrifices are 
necessary to save us from destruction ; greater calls are before 
us ; more victims are to be offered up to this foul spirit of 
Rebellion ; new demands for men and means are to be met ; 
and an increasing debt to be provided for, the redemption of 
which will not be seen for generations. These evils, vastly 
aggravated by opposition to the Administration, might have 
been avoided, and will quickly cease when all parties in the 
loyal States become alive to the necessity of unanimity ; with- 
out which, the nation may perish. 

Now, if any, claiming to have always been Republican, 
withhold their countenance from the Government because 
some particular men or party are not in power, they increase 
their own bui'dens, and inflict an injuiy on the country, which 
confers no honor upon themselves. If they go farther, and 
condemn indiscriminately all measures to preserve the Union ; 
oppose the Administration, whether right or wrong ; depre- 
ciate our victories, and exaggerate the power and success of 
the rebels ; discourage enlistments, or incite ignorant men to 
resist conscription, which leads to murder and pillage in our 
cities, — they are fast descending into those lower depths of 
political degradation, from which they will never rise in the 
opinion of good men. 

3 



18 



There can be no third party in this contest. Those who 
remain indifferent spectators, through disaffection to the party 
which happens to be in power, are in a false position, and 
encourage those who are seeking to overthrow our institutions 
by violence. 

Our existence as one of the great powers of the world 
depends on the result of this struggle. It requires no pro- 
phet to foretell the fate of these United States, should the 
Government fail to assert its authority, or suffer violators of 
its laws to go unwhipped of justice. All past history fore- 
shadows the future of this people, if we permit a separation : 
the disruption of the Union would be but the beginning of 
that process of disintegration, which would crumble this fair 
fabric into ruins, leaving but feeble and jarring States, bereft 
of power to protect each from the other, or to secure immu- 
nity from outrage and foreign conquest, till a dictator arose 
to rule at the cost of whatever freedom there remains, if any 
should survive the old Constitution. 

If man fails to see clearly the duty which is before him, or 
lacks the spirit to perform it, woman, with her more delicate 
instincts of right, is rarely wanting when danger threatens. 
There is no selfishness in her patriotism, no cold calculation 
of the pecuniary advantages of a neutral position ; but she is 
willing to suffer and labor unremittingly for the cause, with- 
out reference to party interests or office spoils. In this spirit, 
having no political aims, seeking no miserable partisan ends, 
and asking no reward for well-doing, the ladies of Waltham, 
active and energetic from the commencement of the Rebellion, 
organized the " Soldiers' Aid Society," to insure system and 
efficiency in their labors ; a noble Union League, numbering 
by hundreds, and rivalling our own, and which, by judicious 
arrangements and steady effort, has accomplished good results. 
By weekly meetings for work and consultation, and by the 
labor of members at home, a new impulse is given each day 
to the efforts of all ; securing a constant stream of assistance to 



19 



the army, that does its work as efFectually as shot and shell. 
It were well if their example could stimulate the sterner sex 
to more generous and hearty demonstrations of zeal. 

Shallow politicians among us do not appear to understand 
the momentous interests involved in the war ; as if the strusr- 
gle in which the nation is engaged was a contest between the 
Republican and Democratic parties for the possession of office 
and spoils, and not the renewal of the old battle, commenced 
centuries ago, between the claim of the few to rule by a pre- 
tended divine right, and the Puritan democratic idea of self- 
government. The question is well understood by the rebel 
leaders ; and the language of the slave-press for years before 
the Kebellion, particularly that of the leading organ of the 
secessionists, utterly repudiated the most cherished principles 
of the Free States ; holding up the examples of stronger 
governments as worthy of imitation ; claiming a superiority 
for that of England, due to its aristocracy, though maintain- 
ing that the freedom of the peasantry was a defect. 

Foreign governments seem to have clearer conceptions than 
some of our politicians of what we are contending for : hence 
their sympathy and indirect aid to those they look upon as the 
friends of their own order. Intervention, it may be assumed, 
would not be delayed, were it equally safe, and did they not 
expect that traitors, though the weaker party, aided by North- 
ern sympathy, would do theii* work as well. 

But we can have no fears, in this stage of the world's intel- 
ligence and civilization, for the ultimate result of a contest of 
this nature : — 

" For Freedom's battle, once begun, 
Bequeatheil by bleeding sire to son, 
Though baffled oft, is ever won." 

The great heart of the nation is sound, and will sustain the 
Government in every war in defence of right ; and all oppo- 
sition will eventually be crushed, as was that of the Federal- 
ists in the war with England. That party had, what the 



20 



opposition now lacks, some show of reason for not heartily 
approving a war, rashly declared through Southern influence, 
and without preparation ; yet, notwithstanding the numbers, 
intelligence, and respectability of that body, its oj^position to 
Government destroyed the party, — its very name becoming a 
by -word and a term of reproach. 

If there is any compensation to be derived from a continu- 
ance of the war, its prolongation thi'ough the persistent oppo- 
sition and discouragements offered to the Government, and 
the sympathy and aid, openly or secretly rendered, which 
rebels have received from the Free States, it is in the train- 
ing which we undergo through the sacrifices and sufferings 
that are, perhaps, needed to elevate the standard of political 
morality. Signs of approaching calamities, Avhich have finally 
overtaken us, were not wanting in the political corruptions 
that preceded the convulsion. Those shadows cast before by 
coming events, which thoughtful men foresaw, must purify or 
destroy the nation. The evil tendencies in American politics 
for a long period, acquiring fresh vigor and vLi'ulcnce by the 
introduction of the spoils-principle, culminated in secession 
when feebleness was at the helm, too weak or confiding to 
maintain authority, followed by a fratricidal war which threat- 
ens our existence as a nation. If, in the adoration of politi- 
cal idols, we have been false to higher principles, the penalties 
imposed upon the chosen people for departing from the true 
worship will be ours, unless we revive the old faith in what 
alone can exalt a nation. That we reap as we have sown, 
through years of political corruption and degeneracy, in which 
the Free States are far from being blameless, none will deny ; 
and he who runs may read, that obedience to the unerring 
laws which He has established for the moral government of 
the world is required of this people as the condition of their 
future welfare and greatness as a nation. 

The prompt suppression of the Kebellion, which could have 
been accomplished by the united efforts of the whole people 



21 



of the loyal States, might have failed to teach the useful les- 
sons we required. Moreover, there is consolation for our dis- 
appointments, and hopes of peace deferred, in the reflection, 
that greater suffering will more certainly bring national re- 
form, and the removal of causes which have brought this 
judgment upon our people. 

Thus conspirators in arms against liberal principles, and 
their abettors and sympathizers, have been blind instruments 
in the work of freedom ; having " wrought better than they 
knew." 

After old party connections are dissolved, as in the process 
of time they must be, and the political prejudices of the pre- 
sent hour have died out, the only question in regard to the 
men of these times will be as to their loyalty to the Union, 
and whether their record is clear when that was in danger. 
When the war is ended, the danger past, the Union pre- 
served, the laws of the United States fully enforced, our flag 
waving ti'iumphantly throughout the broad domain of the 
Kepublic, and foes at home and enemies abroad have been 
taught that no government is so strong as that which is the 
choice of a free people, then all who were false to the Union, 
their hands red with the blood of their countrymen, Avill 
reap the reward of their evil deeds ; and those otherA\T[se 
recreant, in any degree, to duty as faithful citizens, must 
expect the unfavorable verdict of public opinion, M-hich their 
posterity will endeavor to conceal. Those, of all parties, who 
have been faithful to freedom, earnest in their support of 
Government and law, devoted in their allegiance to the prin- 
ciples inherited from the fathers, and have labored to pro- 
duce these glorious results, will rejoice in the triumph of 
right. Then they may resume old associations, or combine 
to form new parties that will arise under a different condition 
of aff'airs, each diverging into the political path which to him 
seems the truest and best to follow ; but under whatever 
banner they may enlist, or by whatever names they may be 



22 



designated, they will ever be associated in the minds of men 
with that patriotism, which, forgetting all but country, ever 
rallies to the rescue when freedom is imperilled. 

J. B. BRIGHT. 
I. R. SCOTT. 
Waltham, Mass., September, 1S63. Y. M. STONE. 



23 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



The following, arranged in alphabetical order, comprise the 
names of members Avho have already signed the Union League : — 



Adams, John, 35 Reg. Mass. Vols. 

Allen, W. E. 

Andrews, Joseph. 

Arnold, Charles J. 36 Reg. 


Blanchard, Edward R. 44 Reg 
Blanchard, Wm. L. 44 „ 
Boardman, Frederick. 35 „ 
Boardman, Leonard. 35 „ 


Bacon, A. T, 
Badger, Geo. A. 


Bodge, Charles M. 35 „ 
Bond, Henry F. 
Bowers, Alonzo. 


Bagley, Charles H. 


Bowers, Levi. 


Bailey, E. B. 
Baker, James, jun. 


Bowker, Edwin. 

Brackett, Edward J. 35 Reg. 


Bancroft, T. W. 


Brackett, H. G. 


Barnes, Francis G. 


Bradeen, C. A. 


Barnes, Gillum. 


Braman, H. B. 


Barnett, William. 35 Reg. 
Bartlett, P. S. 


Briggs, Benj. F. 35 Reg. 
Bright, J. B. 


Batchelder, Chas. E. 


Bright, William E. 


Batchelder, Jacob. 


Brown, Henry A. 


Bates, G. A. 


Brown, J. F. 


Bates, Joseph C. 


Brown, Rufus G. 


Baxter, Oison A. 1 Mass. Cav. 


Burge, Lorenzo. 


Bean, C, C. 
Bean, George. 


Burgin, George L, 
Buttrick, E. 


Beard, Josiah. 


Buttrick, Francis. 


Bellis, J. S. 




Bellis, Mathew H. 


Carter, A. R. 


Bemis, Royal. 
Bigelow, E. H. 


Carvill, D. W. 
Chace, Jacob. 


Bigelow, George. 
Bill, Charles H. 
Bill, Edwin R. 


Chapin, George II. 
Cheney, J. A. 
Clark, Calvin. 


Blake, Charles H. 


Clark, Daniel. 


Blake, J. G. 


Clark, Henry. 



24 



Clarke, Dorus. 




Farmer, Nath. 


Clifford, G. A. 




Farnsworth, Gel. 


Colby, Levi. 




Farrar, Daniel. 


Collins, H. A. 




Farwell, Cyrus. 


Combs, James 0. 




Farwell, Edwin A. 


Coolidge, J. C. 




Farwell, George. 


Coolidge, James E. 


35 Reg. 


Farwell, Isaac. 


Coolidge, Sam. 




Farwell, Jacob. 


Corey, Amos. 




Farwell, Peter. 


Creven, W. H. 




Fessenden, Samuel G. 


Crowley, Florence C 




Field, F. 


CuUen, Barney. 




Field, George H. 35 Reg. 


Currier, Daniel G. 




Fillebrown, George E. 44 Re 


Currier, Richard. 




Finnegan, Patrick. 


Gushing, L. W. 




Fisher, George A. 


Cutler, A. C. 




Fisher, Henry N. 35 Reg. 


Cutter, D. J. 




Fiske, E. W. 


Cutter, H. P. 




Flanery, Lawrence. 35 Reg. 


Cutter, Wm. S. 




Floyd, Albert. 


Cutting, B. L. 




Foster, L. S. 
Foster, M. S. 


Daniels, P. F. 




French, Daniel. 


Darling, G. F. 




Frost, Charles L. 1 Cav. 


Davis, F, J. 




Frost, George W. 


Dean, William. 44 Reg. 


Frye, Charles G. 


Dearborn, J. P. 






Dennett, C. H. 




Gallupe, E. A. 


Dennison, A. L. 




Gerould, L. P. 


Dix, Edward F, 




Gerry, James H. 


Dodge, W. H. 




Gibbens, Edwin A. 


Donnell, John A. 




Gibbs, Francis F. 44 Reg. 


Dorr, George F. 




Gibbs, J. Mellens, 44 „ 


Draper, W. S. 




Gibbs, William. 


Dudley, James H. 




Gibbs, William, jun. 


Dunn, E. S. 




Gilbert, John. 


Dwelle, George B. 


35 Reg. 


Gilman, E. C. 
Gilson, J. F. 


Emerson, Warren A 


13 Reg. 


Glenn, Robert. 1 Cav. 


Emerson, Warren F 


44 Reg. 


Gooding, C. W. 


Emmons, S. B. 




Gooding, I. B. 


Evans, Jacob H. 




Goodridge, Henry C. 


Evans, James F. 




Gorham, Thomas. 
Gove, John R. 


Fairbanks, J. W. 




Gragg, Charles C. 


Fales, Thomas F. 




Gragg, C. 0. 



25 



Grant, Samuel. 

Green, Charles. Mass. Vols. 

Green, George. 

Green, Nathan. 

Greene, Leonard. 

Griffin, G. A. 

Guy, Henry M. 

Hadley, J. C. 

Hall, D. S. 

Hall, Frank C. 35 R-g. 

Hammond, J. N. 

Hancock, E. jun. 

Hancock, Henry. 

Hanscom, Stephen C. 

Hall, Charles. 

Hardy, Nahum. 

Harlow, S. K. 

Harrington, Amasa. 

Harrington, Charles. 

Harrington, Charles P. 

Harrington, George B. 

Harris, Ansel J. 

Harris, John. 

Hartwell, Albert H. 44 Reg. 

Hartwell, Alonzo. 

Hartwell. D. R. 

Hartwell, Henry W. 44 Reg. 

Hastings, George. 

Hastings, William. 

Hatch, J. B. 

Haven, David. 

Hawley, B. F. 

Hawley, F. A. 

Hayden, J. E. 

Haynes, John. 

Hay ward, Josiah T. 

Hcmenway, A. H. 

Hickey, Thomas. 1 Mass. Car, 

Hill, Albert B. 

Hill, Edward L. 44 Reg. 

Hobbs, William. 

Holt, C. 

Houghton, G. W. 

Houghton, Solomon. 



Howard, H. W. 38 Reg. 
Howard, W. S. 
Howe, E. L. 
Hoyt, Andrew J. 
Hull, William H. 
Hunt, G. S. jun. 
Hunter, George. 
Hutchinson, Evelyn M. 

Irish, Cornelius. 

Jenkins, James. 
Jenkins, Peter. 
Jennison, Phineas. 
Jennison, S. 
Jewell, William. 
Johnson, Charles. 
Johnson, Edward C. 
Johnson, Edwin A. 
Johnson, E. P. 
Johnson, Robert. 
Johnson, R. S. 
Jones, John R. 
Jones, Joseph. 
Joyce, Alfred. 

Kahart, Elbri Ige. 

Kahart, W. H. 

Keith, Wm. H. 

Kelly, Jeremiah. 19 Reg. 

Kendall, C. W. 

Kendall, Hy. H. 44 Reg. 

Kimball, D. A. 

Kirk, Thomas. 16 Reg. 

Knowlton, Charles. 

Lane, Emory W. 
Lawrence, Edward. 
Lawton, George. 
Lawton, L. W. 
Lawton, M. A. 
Learned, T. W. B. 
Leavitt, J. E. 
Lee, C. H. 
Lewis, Charles H. 



26 



Lincoln, I. P. 
Locke, H. B. 
Locke, Samuel. 
Locke, Samuel E. 
Lovell, Thomas A. 
Lowell, Francis C. 
Lowell, Frederick. 
Lucas, E. 

Magennis, Lawrence S. 
Mann, Elias. 38 Reg. 
Marsh, D. 
Mason, Charles E. 
Mason, John A. 
Maynard, C. J. 
Maynard, Warren. 
Maynard, Micah. 
jSIillar, John L. 
Millar, Leslie. 44 Reg. 
Millar, Wm. R. 
Millard, E. R. 
Miller, George, jun. 
Mitchell, J. W. 
Moore, Arad. 
Moore, D. B. 
Moore, I. 
Moore, Wm. S. 
Moorhouse, Thomas. 
Moseley, C. S. 
Murray, Leonidas. 

Newell, S. A. 
Newhall, C. 
Newhall, Charles. 
Newton, Geo. E. 
Noble, Lorenzo. 
Noyes, Wm. P. 



O'Brien, Patrick. 
Odell, J. E. 
Olcott, John H. 
Owen, E. H. 

Papineau, Aug. 
Parker, M. D. 



1 Cav. 



Parmcnter, Eli M. 
Parmenter, J. W. 
Parmenter, Samuel W. 
Parmenter, Wm. B. 
Parmenter, Zenas. 
Parsons, James C. 
Peck, Charles. 
Penniman, A. P. 
Perry, Samuel. 
Perry, Samuel. 
Pike, F. S. 
Pike, George F. 
Phinney, George. 
Pope, George B. 
Pope, Wm. C. 
Potter, Edwin A. 
Powars, John E. 
Powers, L. A. 
Pratt, Edward E. 
Pratt, Wm. A. 
Priest, Granvill. 
Pyaw, M. P. 

Qualters, Lawrence. 35 Reg. 

Rand, Nahum. 

Randall, David. 

Richards, Walcott. 

Richardson, Charles E. 

Richardson, C. F. 

Riddell, Hy. W. 1 Cav. 

Robbins, R. E. 

Robbins, F. N. 

Roberts, John. 

Roberts, Wm. Engr. U S. Navy. 

Robinson, James F. 

Robinson, N. S. 

Robinson, Wm. II. 16 Reg. 

Rogers, Charles W. 

Russell, L. B. 

Rutter, Josiah. 

Ryan, G. W. 32 Reg. 

Ryan, Hy. J. 

Sanderson, Elijah. 



27 



Sanderson, Nathan. 

Sanderson, Nathan, jun. 

Sa«in, Michael. 

Sawyer, H. C. 

Scaraman, W. G. 

Scott, I. R. 

Sherman, Hiram G. 35 Reg. 

Sherman, John M. 44 ,, 

Sherman, Newell. 

Shepard, I. T. 

Silver, I. W. 

Simonds, Wni. 

Skillings, J. H., jun. 

Smith, Alvarez. 

Smith, Charles C. 

Smith, Charles F. 

Smith, Edward P. 44 Reg. 

Smith, Elijah H. 

Smith. F. C. 

Smith, F. E. 

Smith, Joel. 

Smith, Lewis. 

Smith, Luke. 

Smith, Marshall. 

Smith, L. P. 

Smith, N. J. 

Spring, Geo. W. 35 Reg. 

Stanley, B. P. 

Starbuck, Alexander. 

Stearns, Wat-^on. 

Stearns, W. A. 16 Reg. 

Stickney, Edward. 

Stickney, Geo. A. 35 Reg. 

Stickney, Rufus. 

Stone, F. M. 

Stratton, Thos. D. 

Suiton, David. 

Taylor, Geo. D. 

Teadlcy, Daniel. 19 Reg. 

Teel, Thomas. 

Tewksbury, G. JL 

Thayer, John G. Capt. 1 Cav, 

Thayer, Charles H. 

Thomas, C. A. 



Thomas, Hiram. 35 Reg. 
Thomas, Martin. 
Thompson, Geo. M. 
Thompson, W. R. 
Thompson, Thos. W. 35 Reg. 
Thurston, Richard B. 
Tinker, Law. 
Titcomb, Wni. W. 
Townsend, Augustus. 
Treat, Samuel '1'. 
Tucker, A. 
Tweed, John H. 
Twing, A. 

Upham, Samuel O. 

Vander Woerd, Charles. 

Viles, George. 

Viles, John. 13 Reg. 

Viles, Nathan. 

Viles, N. R. 

Waldron, D. S, 

Walker, A. H. 

Ward, George B. 

Warren, Andrew. 

Warren, George W. 

Warren, H. F. 

Warren, Isaac. 

Warren, R. S. MD. 

Warren, S. D. 

Waters, Henry S. 

Webb, Alden. 

Webster, Ambrose. 

Wellington, Fred. D. IG Re; 

Wellington, Nathan VV. 35 ,, 

Wellington, John M. 44 „ 

Wellington, Seth. 

Wellington, Sullivan. 

Wellington, Theodore. 

Wellington, Thomas L. 

Wellington, W. W. 

Went worth, B. W. 

Wetherbcc, Josiah. 

Wheeler, E. B. 35 Reg. 



28 



Wheeler, Charles M. 35 Reg. 
Whitcomb, Horace G. 1 Cav. 
White, Stillman. 
Whitney, John H. 35 Reg. 
Whitney, Joseph. 
Whitney, L. Henry. 
Willis, J. W. 
Willis, R. P. 



Wills, W. R. 16 Reg. 

Wing, L. C, 

Winslow, Zenas. 

Worcester, Benjamin. 

Worcester, E. 

Wright, Henry E. 16 Reg. 

Wright, Lyman. 16 Reg. 



As the Committee did not employ a special agent to present the 
Union League to every citizen of Waltham, they have reason to 
believe, that thereby a large number disposed to join have failed 
to become members. It is hoped that every loyal man will yet 
come forward, and enroll his name. 



n las 



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